May 13th 2024. Violent protests against French interventionism erupt once again in New Caledonia, causing the death of three civilians and two policemen, and injuring many more. Occurring as a reaction to the French government’s attempt to reform the current electoral structure, frozen as of 1998, the struggle pinpoints a bigger and more encompassing societal clash – the one opposing loyalists to independents, since France’s colonization of the island in 1853. More than a question of reform, the violence pinpoints a much greater debate New Caledonia has been facing since the beginning of France’s influence; the one of identity, from an individual one to a political one.
New Caledonia – identity and politics
From an administrative point of view, New Caledonia stands out to this day, having a particular status within France’s overseas territories. Considered a French colony until 1946, it then became an overseas territory until 1999 and has since then been a collectivity with “a particular status” organized in three provinces. The territory therefore has a form of political autonomy, although not fully autonomous. The financial recovery plan following the uprisings of Spring 2024 would attest to that. 226 million euros were offered to the Caledonian government by France to be able to close the year, without which unemployment benefits for instance wouldn’t be paid. The financial aid came as a form of loan which would have to be repaid however, and which had to be formally accepted by the Caledonian government. New Caledonia’s congress took over 8 hours to agree on contracting that loan, fearing placing a burden on future generations, while having no alternative at hand to fulfill essential duties. More than merely the amount to be paid back, the loan conditions are also significantly binding in the eyes of residents, with the French government imposing for instance a rise in general taxation on consumption, the equivalent on the island for the VTA.
New Caledonia’s demographics are dominated by two main ethnicities; the Kanaks, and the Caldoches. As of the latest census, the archipelago would be home to 271,400 people, of which 39% are Kanaks, indigenous communities, and 27% Caldoches, descendants of white colons. Composed of several islands, 7 residents out of 10 live in South Province, with the capital Noumea being located on the main island. Far from having an even distribution of ethnicities, islands such as the Loyalty Islands are dominantly populated by Kanaks. The identity conflict has always been at the heart of the island’s struggles, not only in terms of relations with France but even more within the local political sphere with the question of independence being the dominant feature of parties. As such, two main trends develop, with parties affiliating either as Independents or as Loyalists. Independents transcend mainly through the FLNKS party, the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front, calling for a Kanaky New Caledonia state fully sovereign, democratic, multicultural, and laic. In case of victory, the transition period would be three years to reach full statehood. Opposed to the Independents are the Loyalists, formed by a coalition of six parties, advocating for a last particular status within France’s constitution. Loyalists particularly perceive the economic threat to the archipelago that independence would have, considering that the French state injects 1.5 billion euros on a yearly basis.
France’s involvement in Indigenous lands
New Caledonia is said by some to have suffered twice at the hand of France; first hand for being colonized at the cost of indigenous Kanaks, and second for being designated by France as a colonial penal colony. By 1906, the archipelago had become home to 8000 convicts still serving their sentences, 2000 relegated individually or collectively, and 4500 freed convicts. Considering that the island comprised around 12,000 colons, the proportion of convicts was not negligible. Anticipating an increase in predominantly “white” demographics, the state further cantons tribes and reduces even more reserve space to which Kanaks were contained. Referencing “populating” techniques remains to this day a sensitive topic within the Caledonian population. Relying on convicts as labour was also significant and central to the local economy, taking advantage of cheap labour for mining, cultivating the land, and building infrastructure for the colony, labour which was later replaced by Kanaks through poll tax measures.
The heritage of the penal colony structure is still present to this day and can be observed through spatial planning especially. The main elements which would attest to that would be primarily the penal land domain, seen through entire penal concession villages, as well as the spatial carving for indigenous land. The remaining space was developed by “free” men, typically breeders in mountains and villages, from free colonization, which essentially didn’t want to deal with Kanaks and ex-convicts. This separation will be a source of persistent social segregation, strongly separating the communities from a personal level to a political one. The penal colony structure also enhanced miscegenation and the development of a Caledonian identity through the unions between French male convicts and indigenous Kanak women, with French citizenship being passed by the father. Recognizing this heritage only came much later, legitimizing convict-related genealogy only in the 90s.
Looking back into the history between metropolitan France and New Caledonia is key to fully seize the context of last spring’s revolts.
| 1853: France takes over the island | Under the directives of Napoleon III, France takes over the island with the aim of countering British progress in the Pacific. Discovered in 1774 by British James Cook, the island had until then been inhabited for thousands of years by indigenous Kanak people. As a result of the French takeover, the capital city Noumea was built a year later. By 1864, the island’s purpose took a turn with the arrival of the first French inmates, as France designated New Caledonia as a colonial penal colony. Convicts were assigned to cultivate the land, and in some cases were obliged to remain on the island once their sentence was served, receiving a part of these lands to pursue the cultivation. |
| 1878: Indigenous Kanaks revolt | Similarly to the colonial approach in North America, the arrival of colons in New Caledonia as a significantly negative impact on the indigenous populations which became decimated by European diseases, in addition to having their lands taken to benefit colons and being parked in reserves from 1868. 1878 will be marked by six months of General Kanak revolt, in which policemen and colon families are killed across the island. The uprisings come to an end with the fall of the last resisting tribal chiefs, signalling the end of the revolts after more than a thousand Kanak deaths. As a direct consequence of the movement, Governor Louis Nouet established the Indigeneity regime, effectively making Kanaks subjects of France, a particular legal system which restricted their freedom of movement, prevented them from accessing the regular judicial system, and prohibited them from carrying weapons. |
| 1946: the end of the Indigenity regime and the first Kanak political party | The indigeneity regime imposed by France on indigenous Kanaks comes to an end. With the end of the Second World War also came efforts to grant Kanaks more rights, with two missionary associations advocating for citizenship and the extension of reserves in terms of land size. Originally two distinct bodies, the catholic Union of Caledonian Natives Friends of Liberty in Order (Uicalo) and the protestant Association of Caledonian Natives and French Loyalties (AICLF) united in 1953 to form the first-ever Kanak political party, the Caledonian Union. |
| 1984-1988: Revendications and civil movements on the island | Kanaks have been advocating primarily for the restoration of land which had been previously given out to colons. This period correlated at the time with the arrival of leftist Francois Mitterand as a president of the 5th Republic in metropolitan France, sparking hopes of change for indigenous-targeted legislation in New Caledonia. The Lemoine statue, published in 1984, didn’t provide Kanaks with the right to self-determination, but rather only increased their autonomy.
On November 18 1984, civil uprisings started erupting again, as Kanaks boycotted territorial elections to express the need for change. Uprisings continued for the following four years, marked by violence and tens of deaths. |
| 1988: Matignon accords pave the way for an independentist referendum | Matignon Accords were initially negotiated under the government of Michel Rocard between independentist and loyalist factions, to be then approved through a referendum by French citizens on November 6 1988. The accords call for a ten-year transition period meant to end with a referendum on self-determination. However, fearing a spark in violence, the referendum called upon by the Matignon Accords is initially pushed, to be replaced by a more ambitious treaty, the Noumea Accords. This new agreement increased the island’s autonomy and established a referendum to be undertaken within 15 to 20 years. |
| 2018, 2020, 2021: referendums failing to give independence | Three referendums were organized for citizens of New Caledonia which had to answer the question “Do you want New Caledonia to gain full sovereignty and become independent?” between 2018 and 2021. On the first occasion, 56.65% voted against independence, a score which was closely followed by 53.26% against 2020. The following year, independentists called for a boycott of the referendum, causing only 43.87% of the island’s population to participate, explaining such overwhelming result of 96.50% against it. |
Uprisings of Spring 2024 and French interventionism
2024 was once again marked by significant violent uprisings on the island in relation to an electoral list reform introduced by the French government, the first to tackle the topic since the 1998 compromise between Loyalists and Independentists. Passed by the Senate in metropolitan France in April 2024, the reform would allow anyone living on the island for the past ten years at least to be eligible to vote in the upcoming provincial elections in New Caledonia. Following the Senate’s validation by the French deputies in May 2024, revolts erupted on the island to a level such that on May 15th 2024, a state of national emergency was declared by the French government. The violence observed has been the highest since the 1984-1988 period.
The most recent onset of violence erupted on May 13th, with barrages being set up in the streets, concurring with Congress voting on a resolution to withdraw the constitutional law project which would provide voting rights to 10-year residents. On the same day, three prison guardians were taken in as hostages, with the violence only escalating in the evening; roads were blocked, buildings destroyed, and businesses looted. Waking up in shock the following day at the sight of the damage, neighbourhoods organized defence groups and vigilance watch systems. Public transportation was also shut down, and the airport closed. A curfew was even imposed by the authorities between 6 PM and 6 AM, initially designed to apply for only one night, to eventually last weeks. The curfew however had little impact on the civil unrest as violence continued to make the headlines, with two policemen and 6 civilian deaths being reported in the following weeks.
In addition to activating the national emergency status in New Caledonia, France’s executive branch of the government established additional containment measures; more reinforcements were sent, the army was deployed to secure airports and harbours, residents were assigned to residence, and Tik Tok got banned. Residents were facing access restrictions to medical facilities, which struggled to deliver care, and with the closedown of shops and neighbourhoods, goods and medicine started being scarce. By Sunday 19th, France’s forces were deployed in significant numbers to clear up roads between the capital city Noumea and Tontouta airport, requiring the intervention of 600 policemen and several armoured vehicles. This axe would then be cleared by authorities on a daily basis, with more barricades being regularly rebuilt to hinder transportation.
The ban on the TikTok platform specifically applied to the archipelago, came as a first in France, aiming to limit contact between violent protestors. From a legal perspective, the legality of the decision remains blurry; according to Valere Ndior, a professor in public law, while being specialized in international law and numerical law, the criteria for a legal application of the law behind the ban were not entirely gathered. At the European level, the use of the Internet was regulated through two texts, the one on numerical markets (DMA) and the one on numerical services (DSA), also giving the right to Internet giants, such as TikTok, to fight against bans in Europe through justice. The exception to this is tied to the 1955 law, revised in 2015, which essentially allows for the restriction of access to social media in case a national emergency is implemented, or if it represents a threat to the Nation. Professor Ndior essentially argues that this law can be applied only in the context of the fight against terrorism, believing that the national emergency status is not sufficient to fulfil all necessary conditions.
President Emmanuel Macron announced his visit to New Caledonia on May 23, as an attempt to remediate to regular looting and fires still occurring in neighbourhoods and with the clear aim of establishing a mediation mission and restarting the dialogue. Throughout his visit, President Macron met with different political parties, requesting an end to the rebellion’s practice. In return, political representatives required the end of residence assignations, through the national emergency status, but more over the withdrawal of the constitutional law project regarding voter’s rights, also known as the law on the thawing of the electoral body. While the assignment to the resident was removed a few days later, President Macron left the following day without concluding any accords, only agreeing that the law would not be passed by strength. As a consequence of that, rebel factions were called to remain mobilized in every neighbourhood, while releasing a bit of pressure on the main transportation axes of the island so as to not further hinder residents’ movements.
One last big operation was led by French authorities on May 31 2024, effectively gaining back control of the last neighbourhood controlled by the dominant Independentist party. The following week, flying companies progressively and cautiously reestablished service, signalling some attempts to go back to normal. The State also announced economic assistance for New Caledonia, based on corporate activity and profitability, in order to facilitate activities restarting and assisting in processes surrounding banks and insurance. On a political scene, the Caledonian Union announced on June 5th that it would not partake in the mediatic mission established by President Macron, thus refusing to cooperate in light of the current conditions still marked by significant military and policing repression. This position contrasted strongly with the Caledonian government’s stance calling for peace and the end of destruction. Coinciding with the dissolution of the French Assembly, and the political turmoil it plunged metropolitan France into at the same time, President Macron announced on June 12th the suspension, for now, of the legal project Caledonians have been fighting so strongly against.
The destructions, looting, and fires, are estimated to have caused 2.2 billion euros worth of damages at a local level, affecting roughly 700 businesses, of which 66% were based within Noumea. Authorities also accounted for 26 educative buildings affected and damaged, including a primary school and a high school entirely destroyed. This cycle of destruction had dire repercussions on the economy, with one-fifth of employees being on partial or total unemployment leave. Although the French state freed 300 million euros in aid, the amount was estimated to be sufficient until September 2024 only, after which additional financial aid would need to be determined. In addition to the amount of damage caused to the economy, the legal project to provide voting rights to more recently established residents revived strong feelings within the Caledonian population. More than the content of the law was the form of which it was undertaken, with metropolitan France forcing electoral reforms without local consideration and approval, sparking revolts among Independentist Kanaks.
What does it mean for New Caledonia and for France?
The notion of identity is one that has always been alongside the people of New Caledonia, driven since the first arrival of colons and prisoners on the archipelago. It would first apply at an ethnicity level, with origins clearly pinpointing to which class, with its specific rights and freedoms, one would belong. As time went by, however, what initially started as an ethnic divide, depriving indigenous Kanaks of basic rights, never mind equal treatment to their colon counterparts, drove the entire political development of the region. While most states’ political scene branches off between right/ capitalist parties in opposition to leftist/ more socialist ones, New Caledonia’s political division revolves around the notion of independence; to be a Loyalist is to be in favour of France as the mother nation while being Independentist is to promote total emancipation from French influence. Identity and historical heritage are drivers for one, and pragmatic economic reasoning is a break of pressure for the other.
The relationship between France and New Caledonia appears to be a unique case. France does comprise a number of overseas territories within its national organization, yet New Caledonia stands out as per its status; neither a DOM nor a TOM, administrative affiliation of other French overseas territories, the archipelago is to some extent already treated as a more independent territory. The relations and the idea of New Caledonia’s gain of independence have always been at the heart of political talks and agreements with France, and the more recent referendums would attest to that. Metropolitan France is not attempting to retain control over the archipelago at any cost and has always recognized the value a positive referendum in favour of Independence would have.
On the other hand, what sparked the revolts of Spring 2024 in New Caledonia appears as a clear breach of this mutual recognition, and to some extent, trust. How can one recognize the independent character of New Caledonia, and yet have its motherland institutional bodies vote on an electoral law concerning its more independent overseas territory without as much as a consultation, let alone cooperation on the matter? The question is worth asking, particularly pertaining to the nature of the law which would have given considerably more voting power, and eventually key influence over political matters, to more recently arrived residents to the island. In other words, this electing project would have essentially erased furthermore the voting weight of indigenous descendants… both a painful historical memory of times when Kanaks were treated as lesser citizens and a very current expression of the mother nation’s disregard for the independent spirit of the island, disrespect even for the more autonomous character of the region.
On a more regional scale, last spring’s uprisings could have made one fear a spread of independent sentiments across overseas territories, especially when considering the number of overseas territories France comprises. Yet, indicators would tend to suggest that the crisis in itself was rather very context-specific to New Caledonia on the one hand, and a consequence of a direct action coming from the state on the other hand; through its more autonomous status granted by France, New Caledonia has developed its unique identity and political lines, and reacted to the trigger of the electoral law project. It did not fire up as a result of repressed protests calling for independence, as one could imagine, since repeated referendums clearly demonstrated the population’s wish to remain within France’s influence. Metropolitan France’s response to the crisis would tend to demonstrate that as well; military forces and other authority reinforcement were deployed as a reaction to the level of violence and the island’s paralyzing through protester barrages, not as a means to repress independentist sentiments or to alter the political scene. The ban on TikTok would be another proof of the local nature of the crisis, as the ban was implemented specifically for the island’s delimitations. If the threat of violence spread were to be considered credible by France, perhaps the ban would have been broadened as an attempt to contain the spread of information regarding uprisings.
A contained uprising certainly, but a significant one nonetheless, reminding France’s executive branch that unilaterally deciding of New Caledonia’s electoral future is not a possibility.